Assam: ‘Majority’, ‘minority’ numbers, and CM Sarma’s new calculation

Citing the instance of South Salmara-Mankachar in western Assam, the place Muslims account for practically 95% of the inhabitants, Sarma mentioned: “Hindus can be a minority in a selected state relying on the geographical scenario, inhabitants sample and menace notion.”

It was the second time in March that Sarma harked “menace to Hindus in Assam”. Firstly of the Finances Session, amidst heated debates across the movie The Kashmir Information, the CM mentioned Muslims constituted 35% of Assam’s inhabitants, and as extra “majority” than “minority”, had the onus of defending minorities. “It’s their obligation to make sure that the rights of tribal persons are protected and their lands are usually not encroached upon,” he mentioned. “If a Bora, Kalita or a Das doesn’t have the braveness to decide on these (protected tribal) lands, an Islam or Rahman should additionally chorus from doing so.”

This was intelligent callisthenics on the a part of Sarma, by no means one to chorus from controversial remarks or from wading into Assam’s difficult linguistic and non secular waters. As per Census 2011, which put Muslims at 34.22% of Assam’s inhabitants, Hindus comprised 61.47%. Nonetheless, via the prism of tribes and districts (9 of 27 are Muslim-majority in Assam), Sarma clearly hopes to make his argument stick.

It additionally performs into the fears of Assamese nationalism, with a big part of Muslims in Assam of Bengali origin and sometimes labelled “outsiders”.

The Muslim-majority districts in Assam embody Dhubri, Goalpara, Barpeta, Morigaon and Bongaigaon in decrease Assam, Nagaon and Darrang in center Assam, and Hailakandi and Karimganj in south Assam’s Barak Valley. Within the 2021 elections, out of the 49 Meeting seats in these districts, 29 had been gained by the Congress-AIUDF Mahajot alliance, and 12 by the BJP.

“That is the newest among the many present regime’s many communal agendas,” says Akhil Gogoi, the Sivasagar MLA and founding father of the Raijor Dal that claims to symbolize “progressive sub-nationalism”. “The truth that it’s not legally viable shouldn’t be necessary to him [Sarma], however that it’s sensational and can result in communal polarization is sufficient… The truth is, that’s the purpose.”

Congress MLA Rakibul Hussain additionally slams the transfer as not more than political rhetoric. He factors to the Nationwide Fee for Minorities Act, 1992, in response to which Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists, Zoroastrians (Parsis) and Jains had been notified as minority communities. “Minorities are outlined beneath Part 2(c) of the Act. If the Assam authorities needs to outline minorities district-wise, they’ve each energy to write down to the Centre…what’s stopping them?” Hussain asks. The truth that they haven’t finished this to date, he provides, is indicative that the federal government has no concrete plans on the matter.

Within the Meeting, following Sarma’s assertion, Hussain proposed that the Assam authorities grow to be a part of the petition within the Supreme Courtroom which is looking for that minorities be recognized on the state degree. Sarma accepted the proposal, however then clarified that he was talking of solely “spiritual minorities” and never linguistic ones. “First he mentioned he would submit an affidavit, then he mentioned that he wouldn’t submit something associated to linguistic minorities. So he himself shouldn’t be clear,” says Hussain.

By definition, a linguistic minority class in Assam would come with Bengali-speaking Muslims. A non secular minority definition, nonetheless, would depart out any such overlap.

A senior BJP chief admits they haven’t labored out the main points however says there’s a good foundation for what Sarma mentioned. “If a neighborhood is a majority in a state, however not in a district, they lose out on advantages. So we need to give all people an equal alternative and equal rights, and make it a degree taking part in area,” the chief says.

Civil society leaders and activists of the Muslim neighborhood see the plan as one other try and marginalise the neighborhood.

Hafiz Ahmed, who heads the Char Chapori Sahitya Parishad, the biggest literary physique representing the Bengali-origin Muslims of the state, says numbers don’t essentially imply socio-economic prosperity. “They’ll do minority-majority politics, however one must examine the socio-economic standing of minority teams. Within the char [riverine areas], no survey has been finished for twenty years.”

The riverine areas, the place numerous Muslims of Bengali origin reside, have lengthy been marred by low improvement indices and excessive poverty.

Ahmed additionally requires nearer scrutiny of the Muslim-majority districts. “The minority inhabitants in some districts is commonly mentioned to be rising as a result of Hindu-dominated parts are carved out as separate districts,” he says.

Sanjib Baruah, Professor of Political Research at Bard Faculty, who has written extensively on the area, provides that districts “are usually not very steady entities”. “The breaking apart of a district and the creation of recent districts are usually not uncommon occurrences. Ought to we then tackle complicated minority points just by altering district boundaries – create a brand new district and make a minority neighborhood a numerical majority?” he asks.

Baruah additionally argues that minority standing in India is not only “a query of numbers, it’s a operate of social energy”. “It’s exhausting to argue {that a} minority neighborhood being a numerical majority in a district has any influence on its minority standing.”